In his first month back in the White House, Donald Trump has been a tempest of change and, in the eyes of many, destruction. On domestic policy, he has focused on the culture wars and remaking the federal government in his image. On foreign policy, he has imposed tariffs while positioning himself as a peacemaker and an imperialist. The storm has been filled with contradictory messages that have left many countries, including South Korea, scrambling. What is going on?
To answer this question, it’s important to consider the psychological motivations behind Trump’s actions. Some leaders base their actions on a set of core beliefs. In US history, Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr. are prime examples, and in South Korean history, Kim Dae-jung fits in this group. Strong core beliefs help these leaders stay focused on long-term goals amid adversity and temporary setbacks. Other leaders base their actions on a bold response to a crisis. In US history, Franklin D. Roosevelt epitomizes this category, but others before and after him fit into the category.
And then there is the category of leaders who base their actions on various psychological needs. Donald Trump belongs in this category, which makes it difficult to predict what he will do. To be sure, all leaders have psychological needs, just like everybody else, but the difference with Trump is that he bases his actions on them far more than most leaders do.
What, then, are Trump’s psychological needs? And how should South Korea’s leaders deal with them?
Trump’s most pressing psychological need is adoration. To get adoration, he needs to be at the center of attention. Attention does not always bring adoration, of course, but without attention, there is no potential for adoration. This explains the use of social media and his accessibility as president. It also explains his resilience during times of political difficulty.
This need comes from his deep sense of inferiority developed in his formative years. Trump was born in the borough of Queens in New York City, which is one of the four non-Manhattan “outer boroughs.” Trump’s father, Fred Trump, made money in rental real estate in New York and passed that fortune onto Trump who decided, in 1971, to jump into real estate development in Manhattan.
In Manhattan, Trump was an “outer borough” outsider and was shunned by the city’s elite as he rose to prominence. In the 1980s, the sense of rejection pushed Trump to get revenge through attention-grabbing actions such as building Trump Tower and buying the iconic Plaza Hotel. He first made the cover of “Time” magazine way back in 1989.
As a celebrity, Trump thrived on adoration, but he needed more, which is why he ran for president in 2016. During his long, pre-political career, Trump developed a keen sense of where people stand, particularly as it relates to adoration. This ability allows him to tailor his message to appeal to voters, giving him the adoration he craves.
Trump has long believed that the US is being “ripped off” by other countries, particularly allies like South Korea. This appears to be a core belief, but he is quick to make exceptions based on the adoration he receives from a country’s leader. During his first term, for example, Japan was not a target because he got on well with then-Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
The pattern is repeating itself only one month into his second term. He did not get on well with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in his first term, and it is not going well this time around.
In all likelihood, South Korea will have a new president this May who will reach out to Trump as any new president would. In doing so, the new president should keep adoration in mind. Adoration, of course, is different from flattery and Trump knows the difference.
The key to conveying adoration, as opposed to superficial flattery, is to flow with the Trump narrative, not just with words, but with actions. Increasing defense spending from the current level of 2.8 percent of gross domestic product to, say, 3 percent would fit Trump’s narrative about defense spending. Likewise, proposals to buy more US products and invest more in the US would help to reduce pressure on trade.
Dealing with Trump is not easy, but understanding his psychological need for adoration offers a way to avoid confrontation and find common ground. Leave the resistance to American voters.
Robert J. Fouser
Robert J. Fouser, a former associate professor of Korean language education at Seoul National University, writes on Korea from Providence, Rhode Island. He can be reached at robertjfouser@gmail.com. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. — Ed.
