As relations between South Korea and China have improved over the last several years, economic interests seemed to be an overriding factor driving Seoul’s diplomacy with the ascendant Asian power.

Based on the belief that their pursuit of shared economic interests would help cement their strategic partnership, the two sides have sought to bolster their cooperation -- even in the realm of security with the establishment last December of a telephone hotline between their defense ministers.

But every time North Korea, China’s recalcitrant ally, engaged in major provocations, the strategic partnership revealed its limits -- in favor of the realist theorists’ argument that at the most basic level, political calculations often trump economic ones.

After Pyongyang claimed to have successfully conducted a hydrogen bomb test last Wednesday, Beijing stressed its erstwhile position to resolve any conflict through “dialogue,” even as Seoul scurried to secure international support to tighten up sanctions against the unruly regime.

Beijing even called on all concerned nations to show “restraint and prudence” not to escalate tensions, as Seoul, in close tandem with Washington, moved to sternly respond to Pyongyang’s latest provocation and curb the growth of its dangerous nuclear program.

Less than a day after the North’s fourth nuclear experiment, President Park Geun-hye held telephone talks with U.S. President Barack Obama and agreed to work closely together to adopt “strong and comprehensive” sanctions against Pyongyang.

Just hours after the nuclear test, U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter reaffirmed America’s “ironclad” commitment to the defense of South Korea, which includes the U.S.’ extended deterrence involving its nuclear umbrella for the key Asian ally.

In a coordinated step, the U.S. deployed its nuclear-capable B-52 strategic bomber to the South in a show of force against the North on Sunday. It also plans to take additional show-of-force measures including the dispatch of a formidable nuclear-powered aircraft carrier.

But Beijing has kept a lukewarm stance over how to cope with Pyongyang’s evolving nuclear threats to the chagrin of Seoul, which has strived to restore bilateral ties even at the risk of triggering concerns that it is “tilting too much” toward Beijing.
 

Chinese leader Xi Jinping has yet to respond to Seoul’s apparent calls for telephone talks with President Park. On Monday, Seoul’s attempt to use the minister-level defense hotline also foundered as Beijing did not pick up the phone.

This is perhaps the reason conservatives here have started to say in unison that South Korea’s alliance with the U.S. is, after all, the ultimate bulwark for peninsular security, and that its strategic partnership is thus outweighed by the security alliance.

China’s stance, which seems to be too lenient for its neighbor’s provocations, would only deepen doubts over whether it is really sincere about addressing the North’s pursuit of nuclear arms and whether it is willing to undertake a responsible role as a major power of promoting regional stability.

Seoul, for its part, should make consistent efforts to persuade China to back its position, as after all, Beijing should be a crucial partner in realizing Seoul’s vision of making a nuclear-free Korea and achieving peninsular reunification. 

By Song Sang-ho (sshluck@heraldcorp.com)