In his 1962 book “The Structure of Scientific Revolutions,” Thomas Kuhn argued that breakthroughs in science are the result of paradigm shifts that stir new questions and new ways of thinking. 

Since then, the phrase “paradigm shift” has been used to describe a wide range of sudden changes in society. Over time, the dominant paradigm becomes stale and sudden events bring about the rise of a new paradigm that, after a period of excitement, soon becomes dominant.

In recent years, a paradigm shift in attitudes toward same-sex marriage has taken place around the globe. In 1999, same-sex marriage was not legal anywhere in the world, though several European countries recognized various types of civil unions. In 2000, the Netherlands was the first nation to legalize same-sex marriage. Neighboring Belgium followed in 2003. In 2005, Canada and Spain legalized same-sex marriage, giving it more momentum.

The spread of same-sex marriage picked up dramatically in the 2010s. When Barack Obama became president of the United States, only two states had legalized same-sex marriage. As of March 2015, 38 states, containing about 70 percent of the U.S. population, have legalized same-sex marriage. This dramatic change occurred only 10 years after conservatives in many states pushed through constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage. In Latin America, same-sex marriage is now legal in Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and several states in Mexico. In Europe, Britain and France have legalized same-sex marriage, and Germany recognizes same-sex unions.

This rapid paradigm shift has caught Korea off guard. During the years of dictatorship, homosexuality was discussed in the context of “Western immorality” and considered “abnormal.” After democratization, gay rights has gradually entered public discourse, but politicians continue to hold the conservative line. In 2007, future president Lee Myung-bak, for example, called homosexuality abnormal and stated that he was firmly against same-sex marriage.

In the 2010s, conservative Christian groups have become more vocal in speaking out against same-sex marriage. In late 2014, evangelical Christians pressured Seoul Mayor Park Won-soon to remove the clause on sexual orientation from a proposed city charter on human rights. Under pressure from this powerful political constituency, Mayor Park said at a meeting of the Korean Presbyterians Association, “I do not support homosexuality.” In an interview in the San Francisco Examiner a few months earlier, Park stated the opposite position: “I personally agree with the rights of homosexuals.” The flip-flop shows the powerful influence of Christian groups.

With the paradigm shifting strongly in favor of legalizing same-sex marriage in the democratic nations, Korea will find it increasingly difficult to ignore the issue. The first problem is constitutional. The preamble of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea includes the phase “to afford equal opportunities to every person.” Koreans who want to marry someone of the same sex are thus currently denied the equality that is guaranteed to them in the Constitution.

The second problem is national image. As same-sex marriage spreads, Korea will increasingly be seen as a conservative backwater that has fallen behind the times. This contradicts the “dynamic” and “cool” image that Korea has quietly cultivated for itself, first through its early adoption of IT and later though hallyu and K-pop. But in 2015, cool, hip places allow same-sex marriage, and that will be even more so in 2020.

Korea also likes to think of itself as “global,” but that, too, will suffer if it holds the line against same-sex marriage. At some point the indices on national competiveness that Korea is sensitive to will include same-sex marriage in their methodology. The same holds true for indices on city competitiveness.

What to do? Resistance to same-sex marriage in Korea comes from the same two sources as it does in many other nations: older people and conservative Christians. As time moves along, both groups will shrink in numbers, causing the balance to shift in favor of same-sex marriage. Changing demographics are the biggest reason for the increased support for same-sex marriage in the United States.

To accelerate movement toward inevitable change, politicians need to take a clear stance on issues. In May 2012, at the start of a hard campaign for reelection, Obama stated his support for same-sex marriage, reversing earlier publicly stated positions. He won the election by a clear margin, which gave added momentum to the cause. Mayor Park can help bring Korea into the new paradigm by taking inspiration from President Obama and reaffirming his support for same-sex marriage. The rest will follow. 

By Robert J. Fouser

Robert J. Fouser, a former associate professor of Korean language education at Seoul National University, writes on Korea from Ann Arbor, Michigan. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of The Korea Herald. ― Ed.